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Bamileke beaded elephant mask, vest and headdress, Cameroon, Africa
At the head of the highly structured Bamileke chiefdoms is a fon. He is assisted by a council composed of eight men, patrilineal descendents of the
founders of the kingdom. The mkem, or assembly of the holders of hereditary rights, includes all the men who have rendered a great service to the
kingdom; for example, war chiefs, or men who have enriched the royal treasury with elephant tusks or leopard skins. Each member of the mkem is
head of a society with a specialized function: either religious, economic, military, or so on. The members of only two of these societies, the warrior
societies of kuosi and kemdje, are allowed to wear the elephant masks and the leopard skins. Ceremonies in which the wealth of the fon is displayed
take place on the death of a fon or a man of high rank, or every two years, during the most important meetings of these societies. Every item in the
elephant mask costume denotes wealth, power and privilege. The multitude of glass beads which decorate it are ancient barter money, dating back to
the slave-trade period. This display of wealth is in fact one of the functions of the mask. (West side of upper lobby)
At the head of the highly structured Bamileke chiefdoms is a fon. He is assisted by a council composed of eight men, patrilineal descendents of the
founders of the kingdom. The mkem, or assembly of the holders of hereditary rights, includes all the men who have rendered a great service to the
kingdom; for example, war chiefs, or men who have enriched the royal treasury with elephant tusks or leopard skins. Each member of the mkem is
head of a society with a specialized function: either religious, economic, military, or so on. The members of only two of these societies, the warrior
societies of kuosi and kemdje, are allowed to wear the elephant masks and the leopard skins. Ceremonies in which the wealth of the fon is displayed
take place on the death of a fon or a man of high rank, or every two years, during the most important meetings of these societies. Every item in the
elephant mask costume denotes wealth, power and privilege. The multitude of glass beads which decorate it are ancient barter money, dating back to
the slave-trade period. This display of wealth is in fact one of the functions of the mask. (West side of upper lobby)
| Bwa "Hawk mask" |
| Bwa "Butterfly mask" |
Bwa “Butterfly” and “Hawk” masks, Burkina Faso and Mali Africa
Bwa wooden masks represent a number of characters in the myths of their families and clans. Masks represent numerous animals. The butterfly mask
had broad wings covered with eight enormous target patterns to represent the colored markings on the butterflies' wings. The hawk mask has plain white
wings, without much decoration. The hawk masks' performance consists of rapidly rotating the mask vertically around the performer's face, first clockwise,
then counterclockwise. The butterfly, which is much larger and heavier, simply rotates rapidly in place horizontally. Butterflies are symbols of new life
brought by moisture in the spring, for they hatch and cluster around pools left by the first rains of the year. References: The Art of Burkina Faso By
Christopher D. Roy (At the base of the escalators in the lower lobby)
Bwa wooden masks represent a number of characters in the myths of their families and clans. Masks represent numerous animals. The butterfly mask
had broad wings covered with eight enormous target patterns to represent the colored markings on the butterflies' wings. The hawk mask has plain white
wings, without much decoration. The hawk masks' performance consists of rapidly rotating the mask vertically around the performer's face, first clockwise,
then counterclockwise. The butterfly, which is much larger and heavier, simply rotates rapidly in place horizontally. Butterflies are symbols of new life
brought by moisture in the spring, for they hatch and cluster around pools left by the first rains of the year. References: The Art of Burkina Faso By
Christopher D. Roy (At the base of the escalators in the lower lobby)
| (left) Dogon figure from Mali (right) Punu-Lumbu mask, Gabon |
Punu mask, Gabon, Africa
Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The white color of the mask is genderless; white is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the
dead, and the afterlife. It is thus the predominating color in funeral celebrations and memorials. Therefore the masks were worn during funerals. They
appeared also in the magical rites whose function was to unmask sorcerers. The masks have realistic, mostly white but sometimes black faces with
protruding pursed lips, globular protruding eyes incised with a curve, high-domed foreheads, and characteristic rigid high coiffures reflecting the Punu
women's hair styles. The masks often have an Oriental expression, but no such influence has been established. (East side of upper lobby)
Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The white color of the mask is genderless; white is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the
dead, and the afterlife. It is thus the predominating color in funeral celebrations and memorials. Therefore the masks were worn during funerals. They
appeared also in the magical rites whose function was to unmask sorcerers. The masks have realistic, mostly white but sometimes black faces with
protruding pursed lips, globular protruding eyes incised with a curve, high-domed foreheads, and characteristic rigid high coiffures reflecting the Punu
women's hair styles. The masks often have an Oriental expression, but no such influence has been established. (East side of upper lobby)
| Bamana Tji-wara/Chi-wara/Ciwara pair from Mali (left) female (right) male |
Bamana “Tji-Wara or Chi-Wara” figures, Mali, Africa
The tji wara society members use a headdress representing, in the form of an antelope, the mythical being who taught men how to farm. The word tji
means “work” and wara means “animal,” thus “working animal.” In the past the purpose of the tji wara association was to encourage cooperation among all
members of the community to ensure a successful crop. In recent time, however, the Bamana concept of tji wara has become associated with the notion of
good farmer, and the tji wara masqueraders are regarded as a farming beast. The Bamana sponsor farming contests where the tji wara masqueraders
perform. Always performing together in a male and female pair, the coupling of the antelope masqueraders speaks of fertility and agricultural abundance.
According to one interpretation, the male antelope represents the sun and the female the earth. The antelope imagery of the carved headdress was
inspired by a Bamana myth that recounts the story of a mythical beast (half antelope and half human) who introduced agriculture to the Bamana people.
The dance performed by the masqueraders mimes the movements of the antelope. Antelope headdress in the vertical style, found in eastern Bamana
territory, have a pair of upright horns. The male antelopes are decorated with a mane consisting of rows of openwork zigzag patterns and gracefully
curved horns, while the female antelope supports baby antelopes on their back and have straight horns. The dancers appeared holding two sticks in their
hands, their leaps imitating the jumps of the antelopes. (West side of lower lobby)
The tji wara society members use a headdress representing, in the form of an antelope, the mythical being who taught men how to farm. The word tji
means “work” and wara means “animal,” thus “working animal.” In the past the purpose of the tji wara association was to encourage cooperation among all
members of the community to ensure a successful crop. In recent time, however, the Bamana concept of tji wara has become associated with the notion of
good farmer, and the tji wara masqueraders are regarded as a farming beast. The Bamana sponsor farming contests where the tji wara masqueraders
perform. Always performing together in a male and female pair, the coupling of the antelope masqueraders speaks of fertility and agricultural abundance.
According to one interpretation, the male antelope represents the sun and the female the earth. The antelope imagery of the carved headdress was
inspired by a Bamana myth that recounts the story of a mythical beast (half antelope and half human) who introduced agriculture to the Bamana people.
The dance performed by the masqueraders mimes the movements of the antelope. Antelope headdress in the vertical style, found in eastern Bamana
territory, have a pair of upright horns. The male antelopes are decorated with a mane consisting of rows of openwork zigzag patterns and gracefully
curved horns, while the female antelope supports baby antelopes on their back and have straight horns. The dancers appeared holding two sticks in their
hands, their leaps imitating the jumps of the antelopes. (West side of lower lobby)
| Kwele mask (lower shelf, middle left) Contemporary style Bamana Tji-wara (lower shelf, middle right) Tanzanian medicine gourd container (middle shelf, middle) Zulu telephone wire basket (middle shelf, right front) Various African baskets (middle and lower shelves) Australian baskets (lower shelf, middle (2)) |
Kuba skirt called Ncaka, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Africa
The elaborate surface decoration of woven raffia textiles is one of the most
distinguishing features of Kuba arts of south-central Zaire. Kuba raffia textiles are
celebrated for such decoration, which is achieved through dyeing, appliqué and
embroidery. Woman's overskirts, or skirt wrappers are made to be worn over
longer, ceremonial skirts. They are worn by the Kuba for special occasions, for
instance funerals, when raffia skirts and overskirts not only adorn the corpse but
are worn by family and friends to celebrate the life of the deceased. Weaving
among the Kuba, as among other neighboring groups, is gender-specific and
men alone are responsible for all stages of the preparation of fiber and
completion of weaving. (East side of upper lobby)
The elaborate surface decoration of woven raffia textiles is one of the most
distinguishing features of Kuba arts of south-central Zaire. Kuba raffia textiles are
celebrated for such decoration, which is achieved through dyeing, appliqué and
embroidery. Woman's overskirts, or skirt wrappers are made to be worn over
longer, ceremonial skirts. They are worn by the Kuba for special occasions, for
instance funerals, when raffia skirts and overskirts not only adorn the corpse but
are worn by family and friends to celebrate the life of the deceased. Weaving
among the Kuba, as among other neighboring groups, is gender-specific and
men alone are responsible for all stages of the preparation of fiber and
completion of weaving. (East side of upper lobby)
Songye nkisi figure
A Songye diviner (nganga), in addition to designing and empowering a
community nkishi/nksis (plural, mankishi) for the protection and well-being of all
the members of a village, may prescribe a smaller nkishi for the private use of an
individual, customized to his or her personal needs. Individuals direct prayers to
ancestral spirits through personal mankishi for many different reasons. While
some seek protection for themselves and their families, others may appeal for
success in pursuits that affect their livelihood, such as hunting. The most
common need they address, however, is an individual woman's desire to have
children and to prevent miscarriages. Thus, a woman may commission an nkishi
that is designed specifically to enhance her potential to conceive. Personal
mankishi may also be incorporated into efforts to heal other ailments. Once an
nganga effectively treats a patient with herbal medications, he may prescribe the
commissioning of such a work as a form of protective reinforcement. (East side
of upper lobby)
A Songye diviner (nganga), in addition to designing and empowering a
community nkishi/nksis (plural, mankishi) for the protection and well-being of all
the members of a village, may prescribe a smaller nkishi for the private use of an
individual, customized to his or her personal needs. Individuals direct prayers to
ancestral spirits through personal mankishi for many different reasons. While
some seek protection for themselves and their families, others may appeal for
success in pursuits that affect their livelihood, such as hunting. The most
common need they address, however, is an individual woman's desire to have
children and to prevent miscarriages. Thus, a woman may commission an nkishi
that is designed specifically to enhance her potential to conceive. Personal
mankishi may also be incorporated into efforts to heal other ailments. Once an
nganga effectively treats a patient with herbal medications, he may prescribe the
commissioning of such a work as a form of protective reinforcement. (East side
of upper lobby)
Tree of Life (Ujamaa), Tanzania Africa
Tree of life carvings are made from ebony wood and usually are carved to depict
people from a village performing daily tasks and chores. Often times leaders of
the village or family founders are carved on top of the Tree of Life, showing their
importance. (East side of upper lobby)
Tree of life carvings are made from ebony wood and usually are carved to depict
people from a village performing daily tasks and chores. Often times leaders of
the village or family founders are carved on top of the Tree of Life, showing their
importance. (East side of upper lobby)
Kongo “nkisi” nail fetish figure, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Fetishes were protective figures used by individuals, families, or whole communities to destroy or weaken evil spirits, prevent or cure illnesses, repel bad
deeds, solemnize contracts or oath-taking, and decide arguments. A diviner or holy person would activate the statue, using magical substances. Fetishes
gained power and were effective because people believed in them. The nkondi are the most powerful of the nkisi. They were used to identify and hunt
down unknown wrongdoers such as thieves, and people who were believed to cause sickness or death by occult means. They were also used to punish
people who swore false oaths and villages which broke treaties. To inspire the nkondi to action, it was both invoked and provoked. Invocations, in
bloodthirsty language, encouraged it to punish the guilty party. It would also be provoked by having gunpowder exploded in front of it, and having nails
hammered into it. They were also used to literally "hammer out agreements"...with clear implications as to what would happen to people who broke the
agreements. (East side of upper lobby)
Fetishes were protective figures used by individuals, families, or whole communities to destroy or weaken evil spirits, prevent or cure illnesses, repel bad
deeds, solemnize contracts or oath-taking, and decide arguments. A diviner or holy person would activate the statue, using magical substances. Fetishes
gained power and were effective because people believed in them. The nkondi are the most powerful of the nkisi. They were used to identify and hunt
down unknown wrongdoers such as thieves, and people who were believed to cause sickness or death by occult means. They were also used to punish
people who swore false oaths and villages which broke treaties. To inspire the nkondi to action, it was both invoked and provoked. Invocations, in
bloodthirsty language, encouraged it to punish the guilty party. It would also be provoked by having gunpowder exploded in front of it, and having nails
hammered into it. They were also used to literally "hammer out agreements"...with clear implications as to what would happen to people who broke the
agreements. (East side of upper lobby)
| Senufo female and male figures, Ivory Coast |
Shona stone sculpture, Zimbabwe, Africa
Shona artists and crafts people have been working in different media for generations. These include paintings, pottery, basket ware, wood carvings, and
sculpture done in metal as well as the stone carvings. While there is not a long standing tradition of sculpture in what is now Zimbabwe (formerly
Southern Rhodesia), stone carvings dating from the 15th century were seen in Great Zimbabwe, an excavated temple near Bulawayo. Most of the
artifacts from this location have been moved to museums in Cape Town, South Africa or London. It is generally agreed that Zimbabwean stone sculpture
as seen today began during the late colonial period of the 1950's and 1960's. During this period the artists and artisans depicted many of the traditional
Shona and other tribal spiritual myths. Out of all the nations in Africa, the large varieties and abundant supplies of rock formations present throughout
the Zimbabwe landscape provide artists with a medium for sculpture and carvings unique to their country. The Shona art sculpture of Zimbabwe
combines the wonderful varieties presented by the stone with images drawn both from reality and abstract symbolism. Much of the stone used by Shona
artists is quarried in areas which are adjacent or quite near the villages where the work is created. Often the land on which the stone is found is owned by
the village or the local artists. The wonderful natural character of stone is used both in its rough cut and textured state, or heated and burnished to a
high gloss to reveal rich greens, browns, blacks and grays. The hardness, shape, density and quantity used of serpentine, verdite, sandstone, granite,
steatite and other stones define the ultimate presentation of completed Shona art sculptures and carvings. (West side of upper lobby)
Shona artists and crafts people have been working in different media for generations. These include paintings, pottery, basket ware, wood carvings, and
sculpture done in metal as well as the stone carvings. While there is not a long standing tradition of sculpture in what is now Zimbabwe (formerly
Southern Rhodesia), stone carvings dating from the 15th century were seen in Great Zimbabwe, an excavated temple near Bulawayo. Most of the
artifacts from this location have been moved to museums in Cape Town, South Africa or London. It is generally agreed that Zimbabwean stone sculpture
as seen today began during the late colonial period of the 1950's and 1960's. During this period the artists and artisans depicted many of the traditional
Shona and other tribal spiritual myths. Out of all the nations in Africa, the large varieties and abundant supplies of rock formations present throughout
the Zimbabwe landscape provide artists with a medium for sculpture and carvings unique to their country. The Shona art sculpture of Zimbabwe
combines the wonderful varieties presented by the stone with images drawn both from reality and abstract symbolism. Much of the stone used by Shona
artists is quarried in areas which are adjacent or quite near the villages where the work is created. Often the land on which the stone is found is owned by
the village or the local artists. The wonderful natural character of stone is used both in its rough cut and textured state, or heated and burnished to a
high gloss to reveal rich greens, browns, blacks and grays. The hardness, shape, density and quantity used of serpentine, verdite, sandstone, granite,
steatite and other stones define the ultimate presentation of completed Shona art sculptures and carvings. (West side of upper lobby)
Moba tchitcheri figure, Ghana, Africa
In Moba society, when ancestral offerings fail to provide an individual with desired relief, an earth oracle with an established reputation is consulted. In
advising individuals, families, or clans, Moba diviners prescribe tchitcheri figures to fortify their clients and improve their lives. Such works increase the
efficacy of the ritual actions performed at shrines by calling forth positive ancestral influences. They are protective and promote health and prosperity on
a range of different levels. When a particular problem disrupted an individual's life, diviners often recommended the addition of a figurative work to that
person's private altar. Similarly, problems of broader concern, such as diseased livestock, poor harvests, or infertility, often led diviners to prescribe that a
larger work be commissioned for a family shrine. (East side of lower lobby)
In Moba society, when ancestral offerings fail to provide an individual with desired relief, an earth oracle with an established reputation is consulted. In
advising individuals, families, or clans, Moba diviners prescribe tchitcheri figures to fortify their clients and improve their lives. Such works increase the
efficacy of the ritual actions performed at shrines by calling forth positive ancestral influences. They are protective and promote health and prosperity on
a range of different levels. When a particular problem disrupted an individual's life, diviners often recommended the addition of a figurative work to that
person's private altar. Similarly, problems of broader concern, such as diseased livestock, poor harvests, or infertility, often led diviners to prescribe that a
larger work be commissioned for a family shrine. (East side of lower lobby)
Baga bird called a-Bamp or a-Bemp, Guinea, Africa
At adolescence, young boys of the Baga enter a new stage. They form wrestling groups, and much of their ritual has to do with combat. They also
continue to conduct their own ritual, some of which involves masquerade. A figure of a large bird has long been one of the most popular masquerades of
young men and boys. It is called 'the bird' -'a-Bemp' or 'a-Bamp'. The basic figure is simply a bird form with a long neck, a long beak, a pot-bellied body,
and broad striped wings over the back. On smaller versions that were used to dance with, a stake extends down from its belly, used to insert into an
armature that the dancer wears on his head. Other larger figures that were too large to dance with were carved and placed in the area of the ceremony.
Many of these figures bear twin miniature birds on their backs, often in conjunction with a miniature house. A checkerboard pattern often appears on the
bird's front. The a-Bamp does not consistently represent any particular bird in nature. Many examples have head crests, suggesting the elegant large
stalking birds of the sea inlets with their crowning tufts of feathers. Sources: Art of the Baga
(On the landing of the stairs between the upper and lower lobby)
At adolescence, young boys of the Baga enter a new stage. They form wrestling groups, and much of their ritual has to do with combat. They also
continue to conduct their own ritual, some of which involves masquerade. A figure of a large bird has long been one of the most popular masquerades of
young men and boys. It is called 'the bird' -'a-Bemp' or 'a-Bamp'. The basic figure is simply a bird form with a long neck, a long beak, a pot-bellied body,
and broad striped wings over the back. On smaller versions that were used to dance with, a stake extends down from its belly, used to insert into an
armature that the dancer wears on his head. Other larger figures that were too large to dance with were carved and placed in the area of the ceremony.
Many of these figures bear twin miniature birds on their backs, often in conjunction with a miniature house. A checkerboard pattern often appears on the
bird's front. The a-Bamp does not consistently represent any particular bird in nature. Many examples have head crests, suggesting the elegant large
stalking birds of the sea inlets with their crowning tufts of feathers. Sources: Art of the Baga
(On the landing of the stairs between the upper and lower lobby)
| Sakalava memorial figures, Madagascar |
| Sakalava memorial figure with bulls on top, Madagascar |
| Antandroy figure, Madagascar |
| Vexo figure, Madagascar |
Sakalava, Antandroy and Vezo –figural posts, Madagascar, Africa
Throughout Madagascar, great significance is placed on ancestors, who watch over all aspects of daily life and ensure the continuity and unity of the
family and community. Ancestor spirits reside in the north-east corner of the home and in the family tomb, reflecting a strong belief in life after death.
Sculpture such as the ones on display in this exhibition are commonly used as ‘memorial figures’ among these cultures in Madagascar. The figures are
erected in the community as memorials for the dead and were placed there to remind the living of the accomplishments of the dead. Some of the figures
on display possibly had protective functions and were placed in the community or boundaries of the community for this purpose. (At the bottom of the
escalator in the lower lobby)
Throughout Madagascar, great significance is placed on ancestors, who watch over all aspects of daily life and ensure the continuity and unity of the
family and community. Ancestor spirits reside in the north-east corner of the home and in the family tomb, reflecting a strong belief in life after death.
Sculpture such as the ones on display in this exhibition are commonly used as ‘memorial figures’ among these cultures in Madagascar. The figures are
erected in the community as memorials for the dead and were placed there to remind the living of the accomplishments of the dead. Some of the figures
on display possibly had protective functions and were placed in the community or boundaries of the community for this purpose. (At the bottom of the
escalator in the lower lobby)